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Week 8: Multilingualism and the Influence of English

One inescapable fact is that English is used a lot on the internet. As of 2010 it was the most used language online (Crystal 79). As such, many platforms, websites, and programs are more accessible to English-speaking users. Although people would often prefer to use their first language online, the unfortunate reality is that many websites and software simply are not set up to support all languages (81-82). Technology is now able to support more scripts and more platforms have made an effort to create interfaces in languages other than English. But that doesn’t change the fact that there are simply fewer resources in languages other than English when it comes to information hubs like Wikipedia, sites on specific and niche topics, and availability of academic articles and papers (85). With all this in mind, it’s fairly inevitable that English would have an influence on how other languages are used. Additionally, these imbalances of resources can play into already existing relationships between dominant and minority languages. As you might guess from all of this, how frequently a language is used offline does not always directly correlate to how often that language is used online (87).

So, with that context out of the way, let’s take a look at how power imbalances between languages might influence user’s linguistic choices online. 

 

Linguistic Choices of Bilingual Welsh/English Teenagers

Daniel Cunliffe and his colleagues set out to examine how bilingual Welsh/English students used language online, and how those linguistic choices compared to their usage of the languages in daily life. They surveyed 200 students total, ages 13-18, and also had 64 of the students participate in more intensive focus groups (Cunliffe 342). They ensured that half of the participants spoke Welsh as their first language, and the other half spoke English as their first language (343). However, the students still viewed English as the dominant language, and many of the students struggled with their Welsh reading comprehension skills (343-344). As per the nature of the study, all of the participating students had access to broadband internet, and the majority of the students used at least one social networking site (343-344).

Audience, although not the sole factor which goes into language choice, did seem to have an effect on the students’ linguistic choices.  In general, they were more likely to use Welsh if their in-person support system frequently spoke it in person, especially if they were communicating with those in-person friends online (345). But students who spoke both Welsh and English with their friends were more likely to use English online. If students are mainly communicating with friends from their in-person network, it makes sense that their linguistic habits from in-person conversations would carry over. 

On the other hand, students were more likely to use English in more public online settings, like Facebook updates. Most Welsh speakers can speak English, but not all English speakers can speak Welsh, so it seems that users tended toward the language that was most likely to be understood. Some users used both Welsh and English in their posts, especially if they had separate friend groups that used Welsh or English predominantly. In these cases, the language of choice depended on which of their Facebook Friends they were writing for: their Welsh-speaking friends or their English-speaking friends (355). On the other hand, the researchers found that Welsh was rarely the only language students used on Facebook (352). This is likely due to the dominance of English; it’s unlikely that all of a student’s friends could speak Welsh. 

Larger community factors also seem to play a role. The dominant language spoken in the user’s community tended to correlate with the language they most frequently used on Facebook (348). But, then again, the researchers suggested that positive attitudes around learning and speaking Welsh might push some users to try to use Welsh more (350-351).

Students’ individual confidence with writing Welsh did not appear to have a direct effect on how often they used it (351). Similarly, researchers found no direct correlation between confidence in writing English and English usage (352). 

One factor that surprisingly did not appear to influence language choice was the language of the social media interface (in this case, Facebook). Although the site does support a Welsh interface, users express discomfort with it due to its use of unfamiliar words or clunky language (356). The interface did not appear to positively influence Welsh use, but the English interface did not appear to consciously discourage Welsh use (356). As such, the researchers concluded that Welsh currently has a limited use in digital contexts, but also that Facebook is still a viable context in which to use Welsh, even if English is still the more dominant language (358). The surveyed students seem open to increasing Welsh use online, saying they would use Welsh language resources if they were available (344). Continuing to build spaces where Welsh can be read and used and refining those current spaces where Welsh interfaces are still clunky may result in such interfaces having a direct correlation with Welsh language use. 

 

Linguistic choices of Bilingual Frisian/Dutch Teenagers

Looking a bit farther afield, we see that bilingual or multilingual speakers in the Netherlands also tend to use the regional dominant language – Dutch – when communicating online. The author of a study looking at the linguistic choices of teenagers who speak both Frisian and Dutch says this isn’t surprising; linguistic power imbalances in the real world tend to carry over into digital contexts (Jongbloed-Faber 29). 

Frisian is a language from the Fryslân region of the Netherlands; both it and Dutch are official languages, but Dutch tends to be more dominant (30). Frisian is also largely a spoken language, rather than a written one (30). When analyzing 6,000 tweets from 50 Frisian teens, researchers found “frequent phonetic writing as well as the incorporation of lexical and syntactic Dutchisms…in Frisian tweets” (30). Although there is Dutch influence, the researchers suggest that because writing on social media tends to be informal, teenagers feel more comfortable with using the language because they are not being held to formal written standards (30). Jongbloed-Faber and her colleagues decided to expand this research by collecting linguistic data from 2,367 multilingual students, aged 14-18 years old, about their in-person and online language use (32).  

Generally speaking, the students were more proficient at understanding and speaking Frisian than they were at reading and writing in it (33). Dutch was the most common language the students used on social media, with Frisian or English being used less frequently (34). However, Frisian and English were used at different rates depending on the platform. Frisian was used more often on WhatsApp and in private Facebook messages, while English was more used on Twitter and in Facebook updates (35). This seems to indicate that Frisian tends to be used more in more private, one-on-one settings, while English is used more frequently in public settings (and, again, Dutch is used far more frequently than either Frisian or English). 

The language students spoke offline did appear to impact what language they chose to use online. 87% of students who spoke Frisian as their first language used it online to some extent, although even these first language speakers used Dutch as their primary language online (35). In general, the results found that the more Dutch students used in daily life, the less Frisian they used online (35).

When they did use Frisian online, most of the participants (55%) reported using phonetic spellings; 52% of participants thought writing diacritics was too much work, and 47% didn’t know where to put diacritics (37). Although social media may not be helping these students develop the writing skills to write formal Frisian, the informal standards of social media are giving these students a place to use the language, at least to an extent. The researchers found that online Frisian use was strongly influenced by the language students used with their friends, as well as their attitude toward Frisian (37). Perhaps students who use the language informally online will gain confidence in their language, develop more positive attitudes towards it, and eventually develop stronger writing skills (or motivation to develop these skills) to be able to use Frisian in more formal or academic contexts. On the other hand, the desire to communicate with a wider audience beyond their in-person friend groups may cause students to neglect Frisian in favor of Dutch or English. Only time will tell. 

 

Slovene-English Bloggers

For communities who don’t use English as frequently in everyday life, English may still be used in online contents. In an analysis of Slovene-English blogs, one author found that English words were used to create a feeling of trendiness or prestigiousness (Šabec 10). As expected, English loanwords were also common to fill lexical gaps for subjects related to technology and the internet (5). Users can also use English alongside Slovenian for playful functions like wordplay (6). Code-switching (switching between using English or using Slovenian) happens both between sentences and within individual sentences (8). 

The most interesting impact of English on these Slovenian blogs, however, might be some changes in syntax, although these changes are fairly minor. In English, if we’re using a noun to describe another noun, the describing noun comes before the described noun – ie, ‘Post-it note’, ‘water bottle’, ‘apple pie’, However, it seems that in Slovenian the describing noun is placed after the describing noun. But some of these code-mixing bloggers have been adopting the English order, especially when one of the nouns involved is an English word or loanword (9). These changes don’t impact the meaning of the sentences, as far as I can tell, but they’re certainly nonstandard.

Some of these blogs are also using expressive features that are not specifically tied to the English language. Expressive punctuation, like ellipsis and frequent/combined use of exclamation and question marks is not tied to the English language (although it could have made its way into these blogs via exposure to English-speaking users) (7).  

Šabec suggests that the mixing of Slovenian and English functions “as a social marker indicating the users’ belonging to a particular online community” (9). English is both a way to appeal to a wider online audience and a way for the users to access English’s linguistic prestige (10). Users also seem to use English when they are expressing more intimate thoughts and feelings; in this case, English may allow them to maintain a sense of distance, whereas using Slovenian might feel too vulnerable (10).

 

English Loanwords in Indonesian Contexts

Indonesian students, like the Solvenian bloggers, use English loanwords to discuss social media and online activities. At least, that’s what researchers found when they surveyed the Facebook and Instagram activity of 336 undergraduate students (Tarihoran 60). Interestingly, the English loanwords they found were not being used to fill lexical gaps. Many of the words – friend/unfriend, follow/unfollow, friends, followers, share, tag, wall, and so on – have native Indonesian counterparts (63). And these counterparts are not obscure – after all, following, sharing, and friends are not uncommon concepts. So why were these students using English loanwords? Was it for prestige, as seemed to be a factor for the Slovenian bloggers? 

Motivations for using these loanwords were varied, but one common motivation seemed to be that using these English loanwords allowed them to specifically refer to online actions (63). This might be due to the fact that, as previously noted, many popular online platforms were initially created with English interfaces. Indonesian users were likely exposed first to the English versions of these websites and apps (or at least to English users of these sites), and adopted these English loanwords as a result. Alternatively, we could argue that there is a usefulness in being able to refer specifically to online actions without having to use more words to do it. Regardless, English clearly impacts how these users discuss their online activities.

 

References

Crystal, David. Internet Linguistics : A Student Guide, Taylor & Francis Group, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central, https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/smith/detail.action?docID=801579.

Cunliffe, Daniel et al. “Young Bilinguals’ Language Behaviour in Social Networking Sites: The Use of Welsh on Facebook.” Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, vol 18, no. 3, 2013, pp. 339–361. doi.org/10.1111/jcc4.12010.

Jongbloed-Faber, Lysbeth et al. “Language use of Frisian bilingual teenagers on social media” Treballs de Sociolingüística Catalana, no. 26, 2916, pp. 27-54. doi: 10.2436/20.2504.01.107.

Šabec, Nada. “Slovene-English Netspeak: Linguistic and socio-cultural aspects.” 2009, http://oddelki. ff. uni-mb. si/filozofija/files/Festschrift/Dunjas_festschrift/sabec. pdf.

Tarihoran, N., E. Fachriyah, Tressyalina, and I. R. Sumirat. “The Impact of Social Media on the Use of Code Mixing by Generation Z”. International Journal of Interactive Mobile Technologies (iJIM), vol. 16, no. 07, Apr. 2022, pp. 54-69, doi:10.3991/ijim.v16i07.27659.

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Week 4: Writing Conventions

This week is the first week where we’ll really start to look at some of the content we see when it comes to online language. Specifically, we’re looking at writing conventions – what choices do people make when it comes to punctuation, capitalization, and structure? 

 

Structure

As mentioned in a previous post, one benefit of online writing is that we don’t usually have to worry about the space our writing is taking up. Hence, we can use a linebreak to show a new utterance or a new thought (McCulloch 110-111). In informal contexts, this also allows for users to drop sentence-final punctuation (which will be expanded upon later in this post). The use of linebreaks applies not only to texting, but also to more formal pieces of writing, like newspaper articles. Rather than using line indents, online publishers can include line breaks between paragraphs (111). However, publishers do usually maintain standard punctuation in these situations.  

Online contexts also offer some spaces in which users can use traditional writing structures – but often with some adjustments. One 2012 study looked at how Facebook users interacted with one college’s Facebook posts. Many of the comments on these posts tended to use openings and closings, making them more akin to little emails than to straightforward direct messages. Most of these openings were mentions of the addressee rather than more elaborate greetings (Pérez-Sabater 87). Closings tended to be expressions of thanks or the slogan of the college’s athletic department (89). In general, commenters who were native speakers of English tended to use a similar register throughout their comment. Non-native speakers tended to use more formal greetings and closings in their comments, but mixed in more informal stylistics (89). All of this is to say that less formal stylistics are not necessarily viewed as such by all users, but that native speakers (at least in this study) seemed to draw a strong connection between nonstandard stylistics and informality, and vice versa.

 

Punctuation

Punctuation, or the lack of it, seems to be a recognizable feature in online writing. For instance, because line breaks are so often used in texts/direct messages, there is not necessarily a need for a period at the end of a text message in the same way we need a period in a longer text. So to a young text-savvy person, the presence of an unrequired period might suggest that it is indicating some additional meaning, like a serious or falling tone of voice (McCulloch 113-114). In general, punctuation can be used in nonstandard ways to indicate emotion, intention, or emphasis in a message (Crystal 63). 

Ellipses (…) may also create similar confusion to periods. In informal writing offline, writers use them to mark spaces between thoughts or sentence fragments in a space-efficient way (McCulloch 111). A postcard writer, for example, might write “Went to the beach yesterday…took a walk in the afternoon…beautiful area”. But because space efficiency is not as urgent in text messages, ellipses are generally not used this way. Rather, many users have claimed them as a way to indicate a trailing off tone. This can lead to confusion if two users who use ellipses differently interact. What reads to one person as a perfectly normal message (perhaps, “Saw Alex this morning…it was her birthday this weekend”) in which the ellipses are marking a separation between two clauses might read to another person as indicating a tone of voice. This tone of voice may in turn appear to a user as confusion or passive aggression (something like, “Alex’s birthday was this weekend, why didn’t you send her a card?”) (112-113). However, ellipses may be retaining their original function in at least one online space: blogs (Crystal 69). In these contexts, where communication is mostly one-sided and asynchronous, ellipses can be used to punctuate streams of thought, as they might in diaries or journals.

The exclamation mark has kept its old meaning of excitement or emphasis, but also seems to be used online to indicate warmth and sincerity (McCulloch 123-124). This extension likely came from the linking of excitement to sincerity; “After all,” McCulloch says, “to be excited to meet someone or help someone is also to be sincere about it”. One 2006 study found that exclamation marks in a sample of emails were used to express excitement in 9.5% of the sample, expressed emphasis in 29.5% if the sample, and expressed friendliness in 32% of the sample. Why has this new usage become popular? Well, in a context where you don’t have extralinguistic markers of emotions from your conversation partner, it can be helpful to have an explicit mark of sincerity or genuine excitement. 

Asterisks (*) and underscores (_) have been used to emphasize text (Crystal 64). This usage originated with software that allowed users to use asterisks and underscores to code their text as bold or italicized (McCulloch 127). This is not something universally available across all software. But these symbols are easy to notice visually and are easily accessible on a computer or phone keyboard, so they continue to be used to emphasize text even if the text is not being visually bolded or italicized.  

The tilde (~) has gained the ability to mark sarcasm in some online contexts (137). This mark, having very few functions in everyday written English, was first used as simple decoration in digital writing or to indicate drawn out words (138). This second function evolved from how Japanese internet users used the tilde to indicate a drawn out utterance. Since Japanese is written with a syllabary (one symbol for every syllable), they could not simply repeat the final symbol of a word to indicate a drawn out utterance; instead, they used the tilde (131). This usage was adopted by some English speakers, so the tilde now was established as a marker of how words sounded. The first use, for writing decoration, often indicated enthusiasm (why else would you spend time decorating your writing?). Taken together, both of these uses indicated a non-serious utterance. Over time, users seemed to narrow the meaning from simply non-serious to sarcastic (138). It is also possible that the tilde was adopted because its shape could be interpreted as reflecting a sarcastic tone which oscillates in pitch – but this may be a fun fancy more than a proposal with actual evidence (138).  

The hashtag, originally known as the pound sign (#), also had precious few uses in standard written English. Now, its most often used now as a way to self-categorize posts with other posts discussing the same topic (“So impressed with the renovations at the #NeilsonLibrary”). But it could also be used in a more tongue-in-cheek manner to emphasize certain words (“I am #exhausted of the midterm coverage”) or to provide metacommentary (“I’m sure this will all blow over soon #sarcasm”) (130). 

Metacommentary can also be provided via carrots (<>) and slashes (/) (127). These marks are, again, not commonly seen in standard written English, but are readily available to keyboard users. They provide a nifty way to designate notes or commentary as being apart from the text in a way parenthesis or brackets do not (since we’re used to them providing asides to the main text, not metacommentary!). The use of these marks also likely grew out of the earlier days of computers and the internet, where coding was much more frequently used by users. If something like <text color: blue> hi everyone! </text color> could be used to affect the appearance of text without changing its content, then <sarcasm> I’m so excited to be here  </sarcasm> could do the same – only now the user would be signaling this information to other users, and not to the software. The slash, used in examples like /rant, also acted in a similar manner. Speaking anecdotally, I haven’t noticed the use of < >  as much in my time online. It may be that these have become less common as the average user has had to deal with coding less often. The function that these serve, however, still seems to be needed. I have noticed that some communities on Instagram and TikTok have grown fond of using “tone indicators” with the / in order to more explicitly clarify the intention behind any given message. Maybe it just comes down to the fact that typing a slash requires a lot less effort than creating a pseudo-coding bracket using < >. 

 

Capitalization

Capitalization has had a long history of being used to indicate “yelling”, whether it be happy and excited or angry (Crystal 63, McCulloch 115). This goes back at least to 1984 in regards to the internet, and there are pre-internet examples of this in print as well (116). But use of only capital letters was actually normal for regular communication in the early days of the internet, so why did its meaning change and why did it seemingly become so well-known outside of an online context (117)? Capitalization was (and in some contexts, still is) the only way to play with text when writing online. Italics, bold, underline, and choices of color and font are available in word processors, but not when you’re writing a Facebook post or texting your friend (Heath 69). Capitalization is also something that doesn’t usually carry a ton of meaning in offline writing. It indicates the beginning of sentences and proper nouns, but the majority of sentences are still fully understandable without it. So capitalization would be a perfect thing to use for other functions of online writing. 

And capitalization does seem to have a strong influence on how we interpret a message, at least according to one 2021 study. Specifically, it seems to affect not the content of a message, but how we “[produce] the text subvocally” – how we imagine the text to be said (69). Participants tended to rate messages in all caps as being higher pitched and louder, which tends to correlate with how we vocalize strong emotion in face-to-face conversations (74). The author, Maria Heath, suggested that since laboratory environments tend to reduce the effects of any given stimuli on participants, the effects of all caps are likely stronger than they appeared in the results of her study (74). However, she suggests that the visual nature of all caps messages is likely not the reason why we have these associations – ie, we don’t perceive the texts as “louder” because an all caps message has bigger and taller text – but rather that we simply learned these associations over time. 

Or, to say it in another way, it’s likely that capitalization first was used to emphasize certain words and only later did it gain prosodic connotations.

 

Lengthening Words

Lengthening words by repeating letters (“no” versus “nooooo”) allows for users to indicate a drawn-out utterance, often to emphasize a certain word. This phenomenon did occur before the internet was around, although in limited capacity (McCulloch 119-120). Many of these early uses appeared in dialogue as a way to convey how a character was speaking. Lengthened words are used for a similar effect today as a way to show which words would be drawn out if the written conversation were occurring in a spoken context.

There are some unspoken rules about how words are allowed to be lengthened. Generally the repeated letter is either the rightmost letter in a word (“noooo”) or the rightmost letter in a smaller unit of sound (“Boooooring”) (120-121). The only exceptions are with consonant clusters; “both” can be lengthened as “booooth” or “bothhhhh” but never “botttth” (121) . But besides this consonant cluster rule, letters are duplicated regardless of whether they can actually be drawn out in a spoken context. Plosives (like the p in “stopppppp”) or silent consonants (“sameeeee”) cannot actually be held for an extended period of time, but this doesn’t seem to prevent them from being lengthened in a written context (121). 

 

Why Use These Conventions?

On one hand, we could chalk these conventions solely up to the desire to indicate tone in written messages. But these conventions also create an in-group, in a sense; there are those who understand what a tilde means and those that do not (148-149). Using a hashtag for something other than its primary purpose suggests one might be playing off the joke that some people overuse hashtags to the point that they are useless (130). Using these conventions competently may create a shared sense of camaraderie, even if the users in a conversation are strangers. 

 

Citations

Crystal, David. Internet Linguistics : A Student Guide, Taylor & Francis Group, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central, https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/smith/detail.action?docID=801579.

Heath, Maria (2021) “NO NEED TO YELL: A Prosodic Analysis of Writing in All Caps,” University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 27 : Iss. 1 , Article 10. https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol27/iss1/10.

McCulloch, Gretchen. Because Internet : Understanding the New Rules of Language. Riverhead Books, 2019.

Pérez-Sabater, Carmen. “The Linguistics of Social Networking: A Study of Writing Conventions on Facebook“. Linguistik Online, Vol. 56, Nr. 6, Nov. 2012, doi:10.13092/lo.56.257.

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