{"id":48,"date":"2022-12-20T11:32:17","date_gmt":"2022-12-20T16:32:17","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/internetlinguistics2022\/?p=48"},"modified":"2022-12-20T20:27:47","modified_gmt":"2022-12-21T01:27:47","slug":"facilitating-internet-communication-through-linguistic-innovations-a-final-analysis","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/internetlinguistics2022\/facilitating-internet-communication-through-linguistic-innovations-a-final-analysis\/","title":{"rendered":"Facilitating Internet Communication through Linguistic Innovations: A Final Analysis"},"content":{"rendered":"

Within the past few decades, the internet has grown exponentially as a way for people to communicate across both distance and time. Unlike a phone call, text messages and social media posts exist long after they are created. And unlike a letter in the mail, with its delay between sender and recipient, internet users can write to each other synchronously, allowing quick turnarounds in communication.<\/span><\/p>\n

We might expect that language might shift or be adapted to better serve the users writing in this new context. Certainly, new vocabulary has been created to discuss this technology and how we use it, but new vocabulary is created with every change to technology, culture, or politics. Why would linguistic changes influenced by the internet be different than any other linguistic changes? The answer is that the internet is not only giving rise to new vocabulary, but to linguistic strategies and innovations that allow users to more successfully communicate through written text.<\/span><\/p>\n

Limitations of Written Language<\/strong><\/h3>\n

If we conceptualize written language as simply spoken language recorded visually, then by all accounts we should have no issues communicating online. But spoken language and written language are not simply the same thing in two different mediums.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Written language cannot capture many features of spoken language, such as body language, facial expression, gestures, speed, tone, and volume (Crystal 23). We can say \u201cyeah\u201d in a hundred different ways with a hundred shades of meaning, but when written down these shades of meaning are lost. Standard written English does allow for some variation – \u201cYeah. Yeah! Yeah?\u201d – but it\u2019s far from comprehensive. Losing these nuances inhibits how clearly we\u2019re able to communicate with each other in an informal conversation.<\/span><\/p>\n

User-Created Solutions<\/strong><\/h3>\n

The apparent solution to our problem, then, is to find a way to encode these non-lexical cues into written language so as to avoid miscommunications and misunderstandings. And internet users have slowly been doing just that. In some cases these encoded cues directly imitate speech, while in other cases they\u2019re disconnected from spoken speech entirely (Haas 390, 395, Izazi 30). With this in mind, it is more accurate to describe language on the internet as \u201cwriting which has been pulled some way in the direction of speech rather than as speech which has been written down\u201d (Crystal 21).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Many of these cues help to facilitate communication by creating a sense of intimacy or familiarity between users. This is helpful, since the lack of verbal or nonverbal cues makes it difficult to establish rapport between users and to evaluate relationships between users. Establishing specific strategies to create intimacy then allows users to better evaluate whether an online correspondent is akin to a colleague, an acquaintance, or a friend. In turn, users then have some of the social context needed to determine the meaning of a message.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Most if not all of these encoded cues buck the rules of formal written language. Informality, in general, conveys a sense of intimacy; informal language becomes disrespectful when it assumes a sense of intimacy that is inappropriate for the context (Darics 145). Additionally, the sometimes opaque rules surrounding the use of these various cues can create an in-group between those who understand and use these conventions and those who do not (McCulloch 148-149). This shared in-group identity can lead to further feelings of familiarity between users.<\/span><\/p>\n

In short, these linguistic innovations are being used both to convey non-lexical information to readers and to create a shared sense of intimacy or camaraderie between users.<\/span><\/p>\n

Typographical Innovations<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Punctuation<\/strong><\/h4>\n

Nonstandard use of punctuation to influence reader interpretations of messages has been recorded in English, Malay, Russian, and Slovene-speaking online communities (Crystal 63, <\/span>Izazi 28, Novikova 77, 79, <\/span>\u0160abec <\/span>7<\/span>). These nonstandard uses are simply a broadening of punctuation\u2019s standard function in written texts: to mark the flow of speech. In addition to showing readers where to pause or stop, punctuation can also be used to indicate information about the writer\u2019s tone or intention.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Periods may be the most infamous when it comes to punctuation being used in new, nonstandard ways. The ability to send multiple short messages rather than a single wall of text means periods are less needed as a stop between sentences. The intentional inclusion of an unnecessary period, then, indicates a sense of formality, which can be off putting in a conversation with someone the user has a fairly informal relationship with (McCulloch 113-114). On the other hand, a period in the middle of a sentence (\u201cI would go but. I\u2019m tired.\u201d) is still nonstandard usage and does not carry this sense of formality. Rather, it functions to put emphasis on a certain word or to imitate a speech pattern. The reader is told how the utterance should be read and a feeling of informality or intimacy is affirmed.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Using the exclamation mark in standard fashion, meanwhile, won\u2019t send the wrong message to a reader. But in addition to its function of expressing excitement or emphasis, it is also used online to indicate warmth and sincerity; to be excited is to be sincere, after all (McCulloch 123-124).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Other punctuation marks have also found new uses as markers of emphasis or tone. Ellipses (…) mark an author trailing off, while some users include a tilde (~) to mark sarcastic comments (McCulloch 112-113, 137). Asterisks (*), hashtags (#), and underscores (_) can emphasize text in both English and Russian-speaking contexts (Crystal 64, McCulloch 130, Novikova 71). Carrots (< >) and slashes (\/) can be used to explicitly mark tone without including it in the main body of a message, as with\u00a0 \u201c<\/span><sarcasm>\u201d or \u201c\/rant\u201d (McCulloch 127). Although functions may differ slightly, we can see that these punctuation marks are used to provide the reader with information about the writer\u2019s intentions, what they deem important, or their tone.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Text Manipulation<\/strong><\/h4>\n

Text manipulation (bolding, italics, underlining, color, size, etc) is often less accessible to online users. But that is not to say text manipulation is never used to convey non-lexical information. <\/span>Russian users, for example, have used strikethrough text as a way to express their opinions while acknowledging these opinions are contrary to common societal views (Novikova 71). Strikethrough text is used for sections of opinions which are controversial, and users follow these sections with a milder form of the opinion. In the example \u201cdid the <\/span>police<\/span><\/del> readers recognize you\u2026?\u201d the user expresses self awareness of how \u2018police\u2019 might be reframed by other people as \u2018readers\u2019 (71). The author is thus able to express their opinion while acknowledging this opinion is controversial or otherwise not agreed upon. Although this does not perfectly reflect spoken speech, where such a sentiment might be conveyed through tone, an eye roll, or a gesture, the strikethrough text is able to perform the same discursive function.<\/span><\/p>\n

Spelling<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Abbreviations, shortened words, and other nonstandard spellings seem to be fairly common, having been found in data from Arabic, English, Malay, and Russian-speaking users (Fenianos 68, Haas 386, <\/span>Izazi 22, Novikova 72<\/span>). These spellings may be used to indicate informality, to cut down on keystrokes, or to <\/span>\u201csuggest pronunciation or\u2026to draw attention to associations between\u2026ways of pronouncing words and certain regional and cultural dialects\u201d (Haas 386).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Nonstandard spelling can also serve other uses; for example, <\/span>English, Malay, and Russian-speaking users can use full capitalization or lengthened words with repeated letters to convey both emotion and emphasis <\/span>(<\/span>Crystal 63, <\/span>Darics 142-143, Izazi 25, 27-28, <\/span>McCulloch 115, <\/span>Novikova 71). Meanwhile, Malay users misspell words to create a sense of playfulness; since Malay spelling is phonetic, these misspelled words invoke humorous sounding pronunciations (Izazi 26).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Arabic-speaking users, meanwhile, can take nonstandard spelling a step further by using Arabizi, an informal way of writing Arabic with the Latin alphabet (Davies 75-76). There are no standard spellings in this user-created system (Vavichkina 204). Arabizi users in Morocco have expressed hesitation around using it with older people or peers whom they don\u2019t know well. This suggests that the informality of Arabizi also carries a sense of intimacy or familiarity that would be impolite or uncomfortable to impose on strangers (Davies 76).<\/span><\/p>\n

Word Choice<\/strong><\/h3>\n

In addition to choices of how to type, users must also decide what to type.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Sound words (like \u2018haha\u2019 to indicate laughter) are used by both English and Malay-speaking users to convey action or emotion to readers (Izazi 23, Tagliamonte 15). These sound words can express genuine amusement or be used in more sarcastic or ironic manners; in either case, they allow users to replicate an aspect of spoken language (or, more precisely, the function of those aspects) (Izazi 24).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Some words convey emotion in a way that is much more disjointed from spoken language. One of these, the keysmash, is a nonsensical string of letters that serves as an expression of an emotion like excitement, shock, or confusion (Izazi 25). Unlike \u2018haha\u2019, \u2018adjlklfojfl\u2019 or the like is not meant to be an actual transcription of a sound people are making. Rather, the chaotic and disjointed visual of the keysmash refects the messiness of the emotion being conveyed. Alternatively, as the name suggests, the emotion being conveyed is so overwhelming that the sender could not focus enough on the keyboard to type out a lexically meaningful message.<\/span><\/p>\n

Other words may communicate very little information. Response tokens, for instance, are filler messages or phatic words or phrases (<\/span>\u2018lol\u2019, \u2018wow\u2019)<\/span> that appear fairly frequently in samples of text-messages (Fenianos 68-69, <\/span>Haas 392, 395, Tagliamonte 15-16<\/span>). Response tokens do not communicate new information, but simply acknowledge or display interest in messages sent by other participants in the conversation. The back and forth of a conversation can thereby be sustained.<\/span><\/p>\n

Linguistic Identities<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Language choice can also express identity, and in turn establish intimacy through a shared identity. <\/span>Accents, after all, are clearly apparent in a face to face conversation and can allow speakers to quickly identify whether the speaker is part of a linguistic in-group or not. The use of a specific language or a change in spelling marks the user as bring from a specific geographic location and similarly allows them to find other individuals who speak their language or dialect (Ferguson 132, 138, 140). In turn, users develop a sense of intimacy based on their shared linguistic and regional identity (147).<\/span><\/p>\n

For example, speakers of dialects from Northern England may choose to specifically encode features of their spoken speech into their tweets to assert their linguistic\/regional identity (Nini 286-287). In one sample of tweets from Northern England, \u201cclear geographical patterns\u201d were detected for most of the dialectal spellings, despite these spellings being fairly infrequent (276). The overall infrequency of the spelling variants suggests that users who do use these variants are choosing to use them intentionally.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Similarly, some Malay Twitter users use English as the primary language in their tweets but still may include <\/span>makan<\/span><\/i>, a Malay word used in informal greetings (Izazi 21). <\/span>Makan<\/span><\/i> is not being used because it has no English translation, but because it is tied to Malay identity for members of that linguistic in-group (31).<\/span><\/p>\n

Meanwhile, the vast majority of Moroccan users of Arabizi only use it with other Moroccans, thus making it an inherent marker of Moroccan identity whose usage indicates a shared context with the reader (Davies 76). Similarly, Saudi youth have been found to view Arabizi as <\/span>\u201ca strong marker of Arab youth identity and group solidarity\u201d (Vavichkina 199).<\/span><\/p>\n

Sakha Spelling<\/strong><\/h4>\n

The choice to use Sakha, a language spoken in\u00a0 northeastern Russia, is itself an assertion of ethnic and linguistic identity, since many Sakha speakers are bilingual in Russian due to generations of attempted assimilation (Ferguson 134, 143). But some speakers of Sakha are also using nonstandard spellings online to indicate their particular dialectal identity (131, 134-135). Specifically, some dialects of Sakha will pronounce a word-initial \u2018s\u2019 as \u2018h\u2019 when it is following a word that ends with a vowel, so speakers of these dialects will spell words with an initial \u2018h\u2019 rather than an initial \u2018s\u2019. The Sakha \u2018h\u2019 is not present in Russian phonology, so this change in spelling also lets writers further distance themselves from the Russian language (141). This is also evidenced by the fact that some users will overcorrect their writing, using word-inital \u2018h\u2019 in place of \u2018s\u2019 where it would not actually occur in spoken speech (141). So, although on the surface the \u2018h\u2019 spellings are meant to imitate spoken speech, in actuality they function more as markers of ethnic and linguistic identity.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

But this spelling change is not used by all Sakha-speaking users. Not all dialects of Sakha include the \u2018s\u2019 to \u2018h\u2019 change, and its use in writing is not sanctioned by any official Sakha language groups (140). As a result, Sakha speakers without this dialectal difference may view these users as seeking their own unique identity rather than participating in a unified Sakha identity, which can lead to conflict (139). Ultimately, users must decide whether the potential intimacy with other speakers of their dialect is worth the bad feelings that might arise with other speakers outside of the dialect.<\/span><\/p>\n

Emoji and Emoticon<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Emoji and emoticons have been adopted as another means of clarifying communication in synchronous conversations for users writing in languages as different as English, Arabic, and Chinese (Dresner 261, Haas 396, McCulloch 188). They can allow writers to convey their intentions, body language, or add context to the written message. This additional information helps guide readers to the writer\u2019s intended meaning, thus creating a sense of intimacy between the sender and receiver. (Al-Rashdi 125).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The Emotion Function<\/strong><\/h4>\n

On the most basic level, we could say that these symbols represent facial expressions, and thus emotion (Dresner 250). So, writers are then able to convey emotions like happiness, sadness, anger, or disgust to their readers (Al Rashdi 119). However, the \u201cemoticon = emotion\u201d reading doesn\u2019t explain some uses of emoji or emoticon, like in \u201cStayed up all night working, I\u2019m so tired right now :)\u201d, which indicates that although emoji and emoticon may at times serve to convey emotion, this is not their only function.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Intention Function<\/strong><\/h4>\n

We can explain the above problematic example by recognizing that another function of emoji and emoticon is to convey a sender\u2019s intentions (Al-Rashdi 120, Dresner 255-256). This is reflected by how the earliest emoticon, :-), was first used in 1982 to mark statements of humor (McCulloch 178). Over time, this emoticon would also come to be used as a marker of general positive sentiment or sincerity (178).<\/span><\/p>\n

This early usage indicates that emoticons can be used to make utterances less threatening or serious (Dresner 258).\u00a0 This is further illustrated by emoticons like the winking face, which, as in spoken conversation, can indicate some insincerity on behalf of the speaker, as with \u201cI\u2019m blaming you ;)\u201d in contrast to \u201cI\u2019m blaming you\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

Emoji are also used to clarify intentions in non-English contexts, such as with<\/span> the example of \u201cdoge\u201d, an emoji depicting a shiba inu which is popular on Chinese social media site Weibo (Xiong 653). It can be used to indicate humor or irony, despite the emoji itself not having a clear visual connection to either (654). The emoji not only clarifies a writer\u2019s intentions (ie, joking) but also changes the meaning of the message by indicating it is on some level insincere. Users will also add doge to messages to indicate that they are uninterested in debating a topic further, accompanied by the phrase \u201cdoge save my life\u201d (655). Again, the combination of emoji and text clarifies the user\u2019s intentions to state their opinion, and not to initiate an argument. Doge can be used not only to avoid conflict, but to soften it; accompanying an opinionated message with doge indicates the message is being sent in good faith, thus minimizing the possibility of the message being interpreted as aggressive (655).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

In general, doge is being used to indicate a kind of good-faith playfulness between users, although the exact meaning conveyed by the emoji depends on the specific context it appears in (657). Thus, as with other emoji and emoticons, it serves to facilitate communication between users by conveying their intentions and downplaying potentially threatening utterances.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Gestural Function<\/strong><\/h4>\n

Several authors have suggested that emoji and emoticon function as replacements for the gestures we use in face to face conversation (Dresner 260, Logi 4, McCulloch 157). Using this approach, we can categorize emoji in the same way we categorize gestures: as either emblems or illustrative (McCulloch 161-162, 166).<\/span><\/p>\n

Emblem gestures have a fixed form and meaning (161-162). A thumbs up or down, the middle finger, and the ok symbol have a fixed form and standard meaning. These examples also all happen to have corresponding emoji, which can be used to symbolize these gestures in a written message (Al-Rashdi 122-123). The various flag emojis could also be called emblems, since they are representing a country or identity and their meaning doesn\u2019t change in different contexts; people aren\u2019t using a thumbs up to point to a previous message or using the Canadian flag to represent maple trees. Emblem emojis can also be repeated, representing a repeated or drawn-out action. Multiple thumbs-up could represent emphatic agreement or holding a thumbs-up for an extended period of time, while multiple kissing face emojis could symbolize blowing multiple kisses (McCulloch 171).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span>Illustrative emoji represent illustrative or co-speech gestures, which lack a fixed form or meaning and are used to support and reinforce speech (166). These are the undefined gestures we use to indicate size, place, direction of movement, and so on in our everyday conversations. Illustrative emoji do the same thing by reinforcing the subject and mood of a sentence; \u201cHappy birthday!\u201d becomes more celebratory when paired with the balloon emoji, cake emoji and present emoji, for example (Al-Rashdi 121, McCulloch 167). Unlike emblem emoji, the cake emoji or present emoji sent on its own or with different text would not necessarily convey the same celebratory tone (Logi 5). Illustrative emoji can also be used as response tokens to signify that the other participant is reading the conversation and continues to be interested in it, similarly to how eye contact, a nod, or a \u201chmm\u201d might be used in spoken conversations to show active listening (Al-Rashdi 122, McCulloch 189).<\/span><\/p>\n

Contextual Functions<\/strong><\/h4>\n

In addition to conveying emotion, clarifying a user\u2019s intentions, or appearing alongside words or phrases to reinforce their literal meaning, emoji can also be used to add additional contextual information to a message. This could be related to how a message is delivered, like pairing text with a microphone emoji to indicate a sense of loudness (Al-Rashdi 120). But they can also be used to give information about the referent or situation being discussed. The message \u201cMe & my worst frenemy\u201d paired with a heart emoji indicates a specific affectionate attitude towards the referent (\u2018frenemy\u2019) that we could not necessarily obtain from just the text or emoji on their own (Logi 19). In a similar vein, the message \u201cI can see how \u2018interested\u2019 everyone is\u201d\u00a0 gains additional meaning if it is paired with a cellphone, indicating that the mentioned disinterest involves people being distracted on their phones (18). Unlike the illustrative emoji mentioned above, these emoji are not reinforcing speech so much as contextualizing it; without the emoji, readers would come away with different interpretations of the text.<\/span><\/p>\n

Syntactic Innovations<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Some nonstandard syntax is being used online as a way to create intimacy between users. These structures play with the expectations of what interpersonal communication should look like by blurring the line between public and private expressions. Public expressions communicate something for a listener or audience (\u201cI am in my room\u201d), while private expressions are simply expressions of the speaker\u2019s subjective experience (\u201cin room\u201d) (Kanetani 3). By making increased usage of private expressions, users invite their audience to adopt their perspective in order to fully understand the message they\u2019re intending to convey (20).<\/span><\/p>\n

These structures serve different purposes within sentences, from connecting cause and effect to making requests or expressing wishes. However, they all seem to be performing the same function within a larger discourse: creating intimacy between the author and their audience by inviting the audience into the author\u2019s mind, thereby bridging both a gap in comprehension and a gap of literal distance between users (De Benito 32, Kanetani 22).<\/span><\/p>\n

Because-X<\/strong><\/h4>\n

Because-x is a nonstandard use of \u2018because\u2019 which allows it to directly precede interjections, bare nouns, adjectives, and verbs (Okada 719-720).\u00a0 This can be illustrated in examples like \u201cI\u2019m studying because test\u201d or \u201cHe agreed because yeah\u201d.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

In standard use, \u2018because\u2019 links two clauses that describe an effect and that effect\u2019s cause respectively (724). In \u201cshe went for a walk because the weather was nice,\u201d the nice weather is the cause and going for a walk is the effect. We could also word this \u201cshe went for a walk because of the nice weather\u201d, where we use \u2018because of\u2019 since our second clause is simply a noun phrase and lacks verbs.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

However, with because-x we can say \u201cshe went for a walk because weather\u201d without using \u2018of\u2019, even though x (\u201cweather\u201d) is a noun phrase. We also see that \u201cweather\u201d is a bare noun; it has no determiners or adjectives attached to it (720). Why can we do this?<\/span><\/p>\n

Kanetani argues that x allows for bare nouns and other categories of words because x is functioning as a private expression within the larger public expression of the complete sentence (3, 8). X doesn\u2019t need to be specified with determiners or conjugation because the writer already knows what and who they are referring to.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

We can only understand the meaning of x by adopting the writer\u2019s perspective and experience. Additionally, this private expression we are interpreting exists within a larger public expression; we know that we are meant to see this and we aren\u2019t intruding on someone\u2019s private thoughts. The author, by using this structure, is assuming that a reader can figure out what they\u2019re intending to communicate (22). So the writer is creating a sense of intimacy both by using a private expression and by establishing they trust that the reader can correctly interpret the writer\u2019s message.<\/span><\/p>\n

X-siro+kudasai<\/strong><\/h4>\n

X-siro+kudasai is an emerging syntactic structure among Japanese forum users (Naya 65). <\/span>Kudasai<\/span><\/i> is a Japanese politeness marker, somewhat equivalent to English \u2018please\u2019, and in standard Japanese follows verbs ending in -te (63). In X-siro+kudasai, <\/span>kudasai<\/span><\/i> follows the imperative (used to command or to order) form of a verb (-siro being the imperative ending). This creates a contrast between the polite <\/span>kudasai<\/span><\/i> and the more impolite imperative verbs.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The structure itself is used to express indirect requests (65-66). Making requests is not something new – there are two ways to express requests in standard Japanese – but the standard request structures carry a sense of formality (67). Users decided these standard structures would be too formal for conversations on these online forums; since there is a sense of camaraderie between the users, writing formally would orient the author as more of an outsider (69). But using only the imperative form would feel rude. Users making requests didn\u2019t want to make demands of someone who couldn\u2019t fulfill their request; furthermore, imperative forms would again disrupt the camaraderie between users since they carry a connotation of authority or dominance (70). X-siro+kudasai acts as a compromise to avoid rudeness while maintaining the informal nature of the situation (69).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The x in this structure, like the x of because-x, also functions as a private expression which \u201cexpresses the mental state of the writer\u201d, while the addition of <\/span>kudasai<\/span><\/i> marks the expression as being a public expression for an audience (73). The structure as a whole serves as an expression of desire, while the request is an implied secondary meaning (73-75). In other private expressions in Japanese the imperative functions in a similar way, to express a desire or a wish rather than a command (74). Thus, it seems that the x-siro+kudasai structure is indeed another example of a private expression within a larger public expression, where readers must adopt the author\u2019s perspective to understand the intended meaning and what interactions the author is hoping to initiate.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ojal\u00e1<\/i><\/strong><\/h4>\n

Another syntactic innovation can be seen with<\/span> ojal\u00e1,<\/span><\/i> a fixed Spanish expression which does not conjugate for person or tense, which roughly means \u201cI wish\u201d or \u201cI hope\u201d. It can be used on its own or can take a subordinate clause with a subjunctive verb, as in the example \u201c<\/span>Ojal\u00e1 que lo del Madrid sea un mal sue\u00f1o<\/span><\/i>\u201d, or \u201cI hope that what\u2019s happened with Real Madrid was a bad dream\u201d (De Benito 21-22). But you could not say, for instance, \u201c<\/span>Ojal\u00e1 un libro nuevo<\/span><\/i>\u201d, which would read like \u201cI wish a new book\u201d.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

But some Spanish Twitter users have started saying using the expression in that manner, as in the examples \u201c<\/span>Ojal\u00e1 unas terceras elecciones\u201d, <\/span><\/i>\u2018I wish [for] third eleccions\u2019, and \u201c<\/span>Ojal\u00e1 estar viajando constantemente\u201d<\/span><\/i>, \u2018I wish [I] were constantly traveling\u2019 (22-23).<\/span><\/p>\n

Interestingly, we can explain some of these examples by viewing them as public or private utterances. A sentence like \u201c<\/span>Ojal\u00e1 encerrada con Aston Kutcher en un ascensor<\/span><\/i>\u201d, \u201cI wish [I were] locked with Ashton Kutcher in an elevator\u201d, drops an explicit subject (27). Although <\/span>ojal\u00e1<\/span><\/i> takes a clause without any explicit subject, users successfully interpreted this message to mean the speaker wished they themself were locked in an elevator (28). As in because-x, the author does not need to specify a subject because this is a private expression expressing their own desires. <\/span>Ojal\u00e1<\/span><\/i>, then, may be acting similarly to <\/span>kudasai<\/span><\/i> in x-siro+kudasai, and making this private expression public. However, this explanation does not explain every nonstandard instance of <\/span>ojal\u00e1<\/span><\/i>, so further research and analysis is needed.<\/span><\/p>\n

Final Thoughts<\/span><\/h3>\n

Although we recognize that online communities are excellent places to discover emerging vocabulary or grammatical errors, what has been overlooked is the pragmatic aspect of language on the internet, and how users are adapting standard linguistic features and creating new linguistic strategies to communicate more clearly with one another. As shown in the examples here, they have taken the formal and disembodied varieties of their respective languages and adapted them to convey all those verbal and nonverbal cues we find in spoken language: emotion, emphasis, tone, gesture, regional identity, feelings of familiarity, and more.<\/span><\/p>\n

There is still plenty of research left to be done on this subject, especially with linguistic communities who speak languages other than English. But I hope that we are now beginning to move past lists of abbreviations found in text messages and tweets and towards deeper analyses of why people are making these linguistic choices and how these choices impact and function within a larger discourse.<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

References<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Al Rashdi, Fathiya. \u201cFunctions of emojis in WhatsApp interaction among Omanis\u201d, <\/span>Discourse, Context & Media<\/span><\/i>, vol. 26, no. 1, 2018, pp. 117-126, https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1016\/j.dcm.2018.07.001. Accessed 20 Dec 2022.<\/span><\/p>\n

Crystal, David. <\/span>Internet Linguistics : A Student Guide<\/span><\/i>, Taylor & Francis Group, 2011.<\/span> ProQuest Ebook Central<\/span><\/i>, <\/span>https:\/\/ebookcentral.proquest.com\/lib\/smith\/detail.action?docID=801579<\/span>.<\/span><\/p>\n

Darics, Erika. \u201cNon-verbal signalling in digital discourse: The case of letter repetition.\u201d <\/span>Discourse, Context & Media<\/span><\/i>, vol. 2, no. 3, 2013, pp. 141-148, https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1016\/j.dcm.2013.07.002. Accessed 20 Dec 2022.<\/span><\/p>\n

Davies, Eirlys. \u201cColloquial Moroccan Arabic: Shifts in Usage and Attitudes in the Era of\u00a0<\/span>Computer-Mediated Communication.\u201d <\/span>Language, Politics and Society in the Middle East:\u00a0<\/span><\/i>Essays in Honour of Yasir Suleiman<\/span><\/i>, edited by Yonatan Mendel and Abeer AlNajjar,\u00a0<\/span>Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 2018, pp. 69\u201389. <\/span>JSTOR<\/span><\/i>,\u00a0<\/span>www.jstor.org\/stable\/10.3366\/j.ctt1tqxb42.10.<\/span><\/p>\n

De Benito Moreno, Carlota. \u201c\u2018The Spanish of the Internet\u2019: Is That a Thing?: Discursive and Morphosyntactic Innovations in Computer Mediated Communication.\u201d <\/span>English and Spanish: World Languages in Interaction<\/span><\/i>, edited by Danae Perez et al., Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2021, pp. 258\u2013286.<\/span><\/p>\n

Dresner, Eli, and Herring, Susan C. \u201cFunctions of the Nonverbal in CMC: Emoticons and\u00a0<\/span>Illocutionary Force.\u201d <\/span>Communication Theory<\/span><\/i>, vol. 20, no. 3, 2010, pp. 249-268. https:\/\/onlinelibrary.wiley.com\/doi\/epdf\/10.1111\/j.1468-2885.2010.01362.x. Accessed 20 Dec 2022.<\/span><\/p>\n

Fenianos, Christelle Frangieh. “Internet Language: An Investigation into the Features of Textisms in an ESL\/EFL Context.” <\/span>Journal of Arts and Humanities,<\/span><\/i> vol. 9, no. 2, 2020, pp. 63-74. https:\/\/theartsjournal.org\/index.php\/site\/article\/view\/1848\/835. Accessed 20 Dec 2022.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ferguson, Jenanne. \u201cDon\u2019t Write It With \u2018h\u2019! Standardization, Responsibility and Territorialization When Writing Sakha Online.\u201d <\/span>Responsibility and Language Practices in Place<\/span><\/i>, edited by Laura Siragusa and Jenanne K. Ferguson, vol. 5, Finnish Literature Society, 2020, pp. 131\u201352, https:\/\/doi.org\/10.2307\/j.ctv199tdgh.10. Accessed 20 Dec 2022.<\/span><\/p>\n

Haas, Christina, et al. \u201cYoung People\u2019s Everyday Literacies: The Language Features of Instant Messaging.\u201d <\/span>Research in the Teaching of English<\/span><\/i>, vol. 45, no. 4, 2011, pp. 378\u2013404. <\/span>JSTOR<\/span><\/i>, http:\/\/www.jstor.org\/stable\/23050580. Accessed 20 Dec 2022.<\/span><\/p>\n

Izazi, Zulkifli Zulfati, and Tengku Mahadi Tengku-Sepora. “Slangs on Social Media: Variations among Malay Language Users on Twitter.” <\/span>Pertanika Journal of Social Sciences & Humanities, <\/span><\/i>vol. 28, no. 1, 2020, pp. 17-34. http:\/\/www.pertanika.upm.edu.my\/resources\/files\/Pertanika%20PAPERS\/JSSH%20Vol.%2028%20(1)%20Mar.%202020\/02%20JSSH(S)-1239-2019.pdf. Accessed 20 Dec 2022.<\/span><\/p>\n

Kanetani, Masaru. \u201cA grammatico-pragmatic analysis of the\u00a0 <\/span>because<\/span><\/i> X construction: Private expression within public expression.\u201d <\/span>F1000Research,<\/span><\/i> vol. 10, 28 Feb. 2022, doi:10.12688\/f1000research.72971.2. <\/span>Accessed 20 Dec 2022.<\/span><\/p>\n

Logi, Lorenzo, and Michele Zappavigna. \u201cA Social Semiotic Perspective on Emoji: How Emoji and Language Interact to Make Meaning in Digital Messages.\u201d <\/span>New Media & Society<\/span><\/i>, Sept. 2021, doi:<\/span>146144482110329<\/span>65. Accessed 20 Dec 2022.<\/span><\/p>\n

McCulloch, Gretchen. <\/span>Because Internet\u202f: Understanding the New Rules of Language<\/span><\/i>. Riverhead Books, 2019.<\/span><\/p>\n

Naya, Ryohei. \u201cAn Innovative Use of Kudasai in Social Networking Services.\u201d<\/span>Annals of \u201cDimitrie Cantemir\u201d Christian University: Linguistics, Literature and Methodology of Teaching<\/span><\/i>, vol. 17, no. 1, 2017, pp. 62\u201378. https:\/\/aflls.ucdc.ro\/doc\/Analele%20LLS%20nr.%201-2017.pdf#page=62. <\/span>Accessed 20 Dec 2022.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nini, Andrea, et al. \u201cThe Graphical Representation of Phonological Dialect Features of the North of England on Social Media.\u201d <\/span>Dialect Writing and the North of England<\/span><\/i>, edited by Patrick Honeybone and Warren Maguire, Edinburgh University Press, 2020, pp. 266\u201396, http:\/\/www.jstor.org\/stable\/10.3366\/j.ctv182jrdf.16. Accessed 20 Dec 2022.<\/span><\/p>\n

Novikova, Olga, et al. \u201cLinguistic Analysis of Insta, Twit Posts and LJ Blogs in the Context of Their Functions (Based on the Russian Language).\u201d <\/span>International Journal of Interactive Mobile Technologies<\/span><\/i>, vol. 15, no. 5, May 2021, pp. 66\u201386, doi:10.3991\/ijim.v15i05.20013. Accessed 20 Dec 2022.<\/span><\/p>\n

Okada, Sadayuki. \u201cCategory-Free Complement Selection in Causal Adjunct Phrases.\u201d <\/span>English Language and Linguistics<\/span><\/i>, vol. 25, no. 4, 2021, pp. 719\u2013741, doi:10.1017\/S1360674320000295. <\/span>Accessed 20 Dec 2022.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u0160abec, Nada. “Slovene-English Netspeak: Linguistic and socio-cultural aspects.” 2009.<\/span><\/p>\n

Tagliamonte, Sali A. \u201cSo Sick or so Cool? The Language of Youth on the Internet.\u201d <\/span>Language in Society<\/span><\/i>, vol. 45, no. 1, 2016, pp. 1\u201332. <\/span>JSTOR<\/span><\/i>, http:\/\/www.jstor.org\/stable\/43904632. Accessed 20 Dec 2022.<\/span><\/p>\n

Vavichkina, Tatiana, Yulia Vlasova, and Elena Paymakova. “Present and Future of the Arabic Language Transliteration on the Internet (linguistic features of Arabizi).” <\/span>Linguistica Antverpensia, <\/span><\/i>2021, pp. 195-213, https:\/\/www.researchgate.net\/publication\/358146218_Present_and_Future_of_the_Arabic_Language_Transliteration_on_the_Internet_linguistic_features_of_Arabizi. Accessed 20 Dec 2022.<\/span><\/p>\n

Xiong, Simin. \u201cPragmatic Function of the \u201cDoge\u201d Emoji on Weibo.\u201d <\/span>Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research<\/span><\/i>, vol. 637, 2022, <\/span>https:\/\/doi.org\/10.2991\/assehr.k.220131.120<\/span>. Accessed 20 Dec 2022.<\/span><\/p>\n

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