{"id":1367,"date":"2024-10-28T15:39:35","date_gmt":"2024-10-28T19:39:35","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/smithwrites\/?p=1367"},"modified":"2024-10-28T15:39:35","modified_gmt":"2024-10-28T19:39:35","slug":"the-ban-on-the-burqa","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/smithwrites\/issue-5-fall-2024\/the-ban-on-the-burqa\/","title":{"rendered":"The Ban on the Burqa"},"content":{"rendered":"

Drawing on recent reporting on Nigeria and scholarship on democracy, Olohi John methodically tells the story of the Nigerian government\u2019s 2013 proposed ban on the burqa. She establishes Boko-Haram\u2019s exploitation of religious expression as well as the successful sway of the opposition, in part due to faith, against the government\u2019s response to that violence. In doing so, John is able to thoughtfully consider the social positions of women and men throughout the controversy. This examination of the political context of religion and the religious context of politics culminates in John\u2019s conclusion as a Nigerian woman: circumstance and the gender of political power matter. \u2013Astrid Chen \u201826J<\/span><\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

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The Ban on the Burqa<\/b><\/strong><\/h4>\n
Olohi John ’27<\/strong><\/h5>\n

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\u201cThe sounds, deafening as they were, rolled through my ears with thunderous inconsistency.\u201d <\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

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Figure 1: Horrific scene depicting the Harams\u2019 invasion. AK Rockefeller, “Boko Haram,” 14 May 2012. Wikimedia Commons.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

\u201cEven though I was 5000 miles from the scene, I could hear the tenor-bass chaotic clutters reverberating, and feel the earth beneath my feet slightly trembling. This experience did not happen once; it did not happen twice. They did not stop when it occurred the third time, so something had to be done: the government needed to take action quickly. But how did their actions affect us, as a Nigerian people, as a country where religious expression is considered highly important?\u201d\u00a0<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

The above statement describes my experience growing up in Northern Nigeria during the Boko-Haram invasion of 2019.<\/span><\/p>\n

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Figure 2: Three women dressed in a typical burqa costume.\u00a0 Arnesen, “Women in burqa with their children,” 17 October 2009. Wikimedia commons.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n

The Boko-Haram, also called \u201cthe Harams,\u201d is a terrorist sect in West Africa that represents the “<\/span>Jama’atu Ahl as-Sunnah li-Da’awati wal-Jihad” (JASDJ), a group of the Sunni rebels that have identified themselves as Nigerian Taliban (Walker 1)<\/span>. <\/span>They are known for hiding missiles beneath the burqas of captive women and children in a bid to use them as suicide bombers in target areas (Osasona 5). After many years of this intolerable situation, the Nigerian government proposed a bill to ban burqa use in public spaces, thus sparking several controversies amongst the Nigerian people <\/span>(Ajakaye)<\/span>.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Understanding the Harams and their origin is pivotal to appraising the government\u2019s ban on the burqa in Nigeria. The Boko Haram sect, formed by a group of radical Islamic-extremist youths who worshiped at the Alhaji Muhammadu Ndimi mosque in Maiduguri a decade ago, claims to be waging a war to overthrow the Federal Republic of Nigeria in order to create a pure Islamic state ruled by Sharia law (Osasona 4). In August 2011, these terrorists planted bombs almost weekly in public spaces and churches in Nigeria\u2019s northeast by using captive women and children, concealed under burqas, as suicide bombers (Osasoni 3-5). The group subsequently broadened its strategies to include setting fire to schools. In March 2012, some twelve public schools were burned down in Maiduguri at night, forcing about 10,000 children and teenagers out of school (Walker 1). The cries of Nigerians that followed the invasion meant the government couldn\u2019t keep silent. An urgent response was needed.<\/span><\/p>\n

From deploying soldiers to vulnerable areas, to <\/span>relocating bereaved individuals to camps popularly called IDP (Internally Displaced Persons) camps, the Nigerian government made several attempts to respond to the cries of the people <\/span>(Bala 2-6; Brechenmacher 3-4). However, the attacks prevailed, with the Harams increasingly deploying the burqa as a major tool to ward off security checks from soldiers\u2014for it was taboo to make a woman take off her burqa during a security check. After a long 4-year struggle between religion and security, the <\/span>bill to ban veiling garments was finally proposed in 2013 (BBC, Nigeria\u2019s Muslims; IWF, Supreme Court Ruling)<\/span><\/p>\n

As expected, this proposed ban was received differently by various groups of people. Those who were mostly in favor of the ban were families of those killed in Boko-Haram attacks, medical and health workers, security officials, people in academia, and other educated members of society. They saw the government\u2019s action as necessary, and applauded the legislators for putting the protection of the public first. Many of these supporters argued<\/span> in favor of the ban by measuring its efficiency in eliminating terrorism in other countries, particularly Switzerland, which banned the burqa following an election in which 51% of Swiss voters were in favor of the ban <\/span>(\u201c<\/span>Countries That Have Banned <\/span><\/a>\u2026\u201d)<\/span>. The major difference between this and Nigeria\u2019s case, however, is that while more than half of Swiss voters were in favor of the ban, many Nigerians were vehemently against it for religious and cultural reasons.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Nigerian Islamic institutions like the Jama\u2019atu Nasril Islam (JNI) and the Joint Muslim Forum avidly opposed every attempt of the government to persuade the Muslim community to accept the need to ban veiling garments. Aliyu Abubakar, the secretary-general of the JNI, announced during an interview with the Times Newspaper that the Islamic body would not support any ban on the burqa under what he termed a \u201cdeceptive guise.\u201d According to Abubakar, the policy of singling out women for wearing the burqa in the context of governmental counterterrorism measures would amount to profiling on the basis of religion (Sali). While these views might seem extreme, it becomes easier to empathize with the Islamic body when we consider the burqa as an essential part of female Muslim identity.<\/span><\/p>\n

Quite interestingly, however, a relatively small group of Muslim women saw the proposed ban as a potential relief from the pressure of having to dress in conformity to what is expected of Muslim women in society. In an interview with the New Humanitarian, these women argued that radical Islamic groups, including the Boko-Haram rebels, seemed to be imposing on them how to be \u201ctruly Muslim\u201d (Abubakar).\u00a0 Zainab Sabo, a bakery owner in Maiduguri, said she supported the ban because, apart from protecting the masses, the total abolishment of the burqa would provide young girls who live in Islamic extremist homes, where burqa-wearing is enforced, more autonomy in their dressing (Abubakar)<\/span><\/p>\n

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Figure 6: A Muslim girl dressed in a lighter veiling attire called the hijab. Some believe it\u2019s more fashionable.\u00a0 DFID – UK Department for International Development, “A girl’s dream,” 4 February 2011. Wikimedia commons.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n

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On the other side of the coin, however, <\/span>were women who used the burqa as either a way of expressing their identities, demonstrating their culture, or showing their Islamic devotion (Madu 41). As a way of showing their opposition, these women, most of whom were affiliated with Islamic and Middle-Eastern cultures, organized protests in the cities and asked for compensation from the government. In a few extreme cases, they wore burqas to their workplaces, schools, and mosques in a bid to challenge the government. In Lagos, Nigeria, the Muslim <\/span>Community of Oyo State (MUSCOYS) organized a protest in Lagos\u2019 Premier school after their kids were sent out of the playground due to their veil coverings (Ajakaye). The right <\/span>of people to worship their gods in whatever way they choose was soon called into question (Prempeh 28-34), spurring the government to either retract the bill or persuade the public to come to a consensus on the proposed abolishment. In 2015, President Muhammadu Buhari, after facing much opposition from the citizens, chose to simply retract the bill but added that soon, he might be compelled to place a ban on all forms of veiling garments, including the less concealing hijab, should terrorism persist (\u201c<\/span>Banning the Burqa\u2026\u201d<\/span>). This attitude of the president toward the burqa ban poses important questions that are worth exploring in greater detail:\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Is it in any way democratic to abolish an item without educating those affected about the necessity and intentions behind its abolishment? Does angrily retracting a bill in response to opposition from people ignorant about its purpose prove logical?<\/span><\/i> After all, what is democracy if the government sees no necessity in persuading the people to come to terms with regulation instituted for the benefit of all?\u00a0<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

In dissecting these questions, it might be worth noting that the thaub, the masculine equivalent of the burqa\u2014 also used by the Harams\u2014 was never highlighted as a possible item to be abolished, perhaps because many Muslim men in legislative political power use the thaub for religious identification. But if women are asked to sacrifice their right to religious expression for the common good, it stands to reason that men should follow suit. The government would do well to make Nigerians see how the burqa ban was not put in place out of an intention to deny Muslim women their rights, but to promote the interest of all Nigerians. By educating citizens on the reasons why the ban might be necessary, and by banning the thaub should the burqa ban eventually be passed, the government will lessen resentment from the public. However, I\u2019d also advise every Nigerian-born citizen to take a step back and carefully reconsider the circumstances surrounding the burqa and its ban before jumping to conclusions.<\/span><\/p>\n

As most Nigerians would agree, the burqa\u2019s masking effect makes it difficult for security operatives to identify and rescue women held hostage by the Boko-Haram (Onuoha 155). If banning the burqa is one of the very few counter-strategies determined so far by the government to curtail the Harams\u2019 invasion, then the ban might not be all wrong after all (Madu 26). In fact, the Harams\u2019 continued use of the burqa for their bloody activities has led to lots of false rumors of their affiliations with the Islamic culture, some of which seem to present women as undervalued elements in the religion (Nanwani 1455). The most widespread rumor is that the Boko-Harams are simply obeying a law in the Islamic book that, when translated to English, implies, <\/span>\u201cWhoever is passionate about ending the lives of those who refuse to worship Allah will be rewarded with 7 big-breasted virgins on the last day\u201d<\/span><\/i> \u2014 a day believed to be a day of judgment for every human in the world. This ignorant statement fulfills the terrorists\u2019 goal of portraying the Islamic religion as bloody, while belittling women by calling them \u201crewards,\u201d all under the shield of the burqa (Nanwani 1443-1456). It is, of course, disconcerting that such a treasured item is being used against women, Islam, and Nigeria as a whole. But if that is the only favorable solution, then what choice do we have? Thus, to prevent the resentment towards women, Islam, and Nigeria as a whole, banning the burqa might give some breathing room from the frequent attacks, as the government works towards figuring out more effective solutions (Madu 40-42).<\/span><\/p>\n

At this point, it is necessary to iterate that I am in no way against the burqa or other similar garments. The burqa is, indeed, a powerful way to express identity, and constitutes a critical item in many cultures, societies, and religions (Nanwani 1455). However, my position depends greatly on the context surrounding this situation. <\/span>The Nigerian government proposed a ban on the burqa to protect the public from terrorist attacks and secure the country from being overthrown by the Boko-Haram rebels. I believe that the ban on the burqa might be a justifiable action to take. Indeed, the topic is unique to every nation, community, and society, and its justifiability should be considered based on the circumstances surrounding it.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nigeria\u2019s burqa controversy sadly reflects the challenges women face concerning their identity on a global scale. Most times, male-identifying folks tend to face fewer restrictions, even in places where stereotypes and laws against all-veiling garments, including the thaub, exist. This is just one of many cases highlighting the need for a greater representation of women in legislation. With women occupying more political positions, there should be a fairer distribution of rights, such that a ban that affects the feminine population will equally affect the masculine population. As a proud member of a prestigious women’s community where women are constantly spurred to strive for greater representation of the feminine gender, I stand to advocate that for a ban affecting a class that constitutes more than half of the nation to be considered feasible, that class must be significantly represented in the decision-making process.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

*<\/span> *<\/span> *<\/span> *<\/span> *<\/span> *<\/span> *<\/span><\/p>\n

So fast forward five years later! Those deafening sounds, I no longer hear, but is this so for the rest of my fellow Nigerians? That I no longer experience the violence is no good reason to become nonchalant about it. However, will banning the burqa resolve it?<\/span><\/p>\n

Only time and, maybe, trial can tell!<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

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Works Cited<\/strong><\/p>\n

Abubakar, Fati and Anyadike, Obi. \u201c<\/span>My hijab: Nigerian Muslim women on\u00a0<\/span><\/a>faith and fashion<\/span><\/a>.\u201d <\/span>The New Humanitarian, <\/span><\/i>21 February 2022,\u00a0<\/span>https:\/\/www.thenewhumanitarian.org\/2022\/02\/21\/my-hijab-nigerian-muslim-women-faith<\/span><\/a>-and-fashion<\/span><\/a>. Accessed 12 December 2023.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ajakaye, Rafiu. \u201c<\/span>Protest in SW Nigeria over school hijab ban<\/span><\/a>.\u201d <\/span>AA<\/span><\/i>, 19 November 2018,\u00a0<\/span>https:\/\/www.aa.com.tr\/en\/africa\/protest-in-sw-nigeria-over-school-hijab-ban\/1315753#:~<\/span>: <\/span>text=LAGOS%2C%20Nigeria,schools%20without%20being%20discriminated%20again. <\/span><\/a>Accessed 12 December 2023.<\/p>\n

Bala, Saleh and Ibrahim, Jibrin. \u201cCivilian-Led Governance and Security in Nigeria after Boko\u00a0<\/span>Haram.\u201d <\/span>United States Institute of Peace<\/span><\/i>,\u00a0<\/span>pp. 2-6. Accessed 19 December 2018.<\/p>\n

\u201cBanning the Burqa: Why More Countries Are Outlawing the Full-Face Veil.\u201d <\/span>The Economist\u00a0<\/span><\/i>Newspaper[Lagos]<\/span><\/i>, 11 February 2016, pp. 1.<\/span><\/p>\n

BBC, Africa. Nigeria\u2019s Muslims applaud lifting of the hijab ban in Lagos\u2019 schools. <\/span>https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/world-africa-36865257<\/span><\/a>. Accessed 1 October 2024.<\/span><\/p>\n

Becker, Paula and Raveloson, Jean-Aim\u00e9. \u201cWhat is Democracy?\u201d<\/span> Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung\u00a0<\/span><\/i>(FES)<\/span><\/i>, 2017, pp 4-7.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Brechenmacher, Saskia. \u201c<\/span>Stabilizing Northeast Nigeria after Boko Haram.\u201d\u00a0 <\/span>Carnegie\u00a0<\/span><\/i><\/a>Endowment for International Peace<\/span><\/i><\/a>,\u201d <\/span><\/i>3 May 2019, pp. 3-11.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/i>\u201c<\/span>Countries That Have Banned Burqa And What International Law Says About It?<\/span>\u201d\u00a0<\/span>Outlook. <\/i>10\u00a0February 2022. https:\/\/www.outlookindia.com\/international\/countries-that-have-banned-burqa-but-what-does-international-law-tell-about-it–news-121782<\/a>. Accessed 12 December 2023.<\/p>\n

Madu, Ifeanyi. <\/span>The Burqa Ban in France and Its Potential Implications on Islamic Terrorism<\/span><\/i>.\u00a0<\/span>Walden University, 2015, pp 41-45.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Islamic Welfare Foundation (IWF). Supreme Court Ruling on Hijab: Reasons for Excitement, <\/span>https:\/\/iwf.com.ng\/news\/supreme-court-ruling-on-hijab-reasons-for-excitement\/<\/span><\/a>. Accessed 1 October 2024.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201c<\/span>Nigerian girls can wear headscarves to school, court rules<\/span>.\u201d <\/span>France24<\/span><\/i>, 24 July 2016, <\/span>https:\/\/www.france24.com\/en\/20160724-nigerian-girls-can-wear-headscarves-school-court-rules<\/span><\/a>. Accessed 13 December 2023.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nanwani, Shaira. \u201cThe burqa ban: An unreasonable limitation on religious freedom or a\u00a0<\/span>justifiable restriction.\u201d <\/span>Emory International Law Review<\/span><\/i>, vol. 25, no. 3, 2011, pp. 1431-1475.<\/span><\/p>\n

Onuoha, Freedom. \u201cBoko Haram and the Evolving Salafi Jihadist Threat in Nigeria.\u201d <\/span>Boko\u00a0<\/span><\/i>Haram: Islamism, politics, security and the state in Nigeria<\/span><\/i>, edited by Marc-Antoine P\u00e9rouse deMontclos, African Studies Center, 2014, pp. 149-161.<\/span><\/p>\n

Osasona, Tosin. \u201cVictims or Vanguards of Terror: Use of Girls as Suicide Bombers by\u00a0<\/span>Boko Haram.\u201d <\/span>Cogent Social Sciences,<\/span><\/i> vol. 8, no. 1, 2022, pp. 2-8.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Pre<\/span>mpeh, Charles. \u201c<\/span>\u2018<\/span><\/i>Hijab Is My Identity<\/span>\u2019<\/span><\/i>: Beyond the Politics of the Veil: The Appropriations\u00a0<\/span>of the Veil in an Inner-City Muslim Area of Accra (Ghana) since the 1980s.\u201d <\/span>Journal of Africana Religions<\/span><\/i>, vol. 10 no. 1, 2022, p. 20-46. <\/span>Project MUSE<\/span><\/i> muse.jhu.edu\/article\/845940<\/span><\/a>. <\/span>Accessed 12 December 2023.<\/span><\/p>\n

Sali.<\/span>\u201c<\/span>Nigerian Muslims speak up against banning hijab<\/span>.\u201d <\/span>World Bulletin \/ News Desk, 14 July\u00a0<\/span><\/i>2015, <\/span><\/i>https:\/\/www.worldbulletin.net\/africa\/nigerian-muslims-speak-up-against-banning-hijab-h162107.html<\/span><\/a>. Accessed 13 December<\/span> 2023.<\/span><\/p>\n

Walker, Andrew. \u201cWhat is Boko-Haram?\u201d <\/span>United States Institute of Peace, <\/span><\/i>30 May 2012, pp.\u00a0<\/span>1-11.<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Drawing on recent reporting on Nigeria and scholarship on democracy, Olohi John methodically tells the story of the Nigerian government\u2019s 2013 proposed ban on the burqa. She establishes Boko-Haram\u2019s exploitation of religious expression as well as the successful sway of the opposition, in part due to faith, against the government\u2019s response to that violence. In […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3782,"featured_media":1370,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[55],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1367","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-issue-5-fall-2024"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/smithwrites\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/368\/2024\/10\/b.png","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/smithwrites\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1367","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/smithwrites\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/smithwrites\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/smithwrites\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3782"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/smithwrites\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1367"}],"version-history":[{"count":11,"href":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/smithwrites\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1367\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1382,"href":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/smithwrites\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1367\/revisions\/1382"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/smithwrites\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1370"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/smithwrites\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1367"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/smithwrites\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1367"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/smithwrites\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1367"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}