{"id":227,"date":"2021-07-24T16:20:00","date_gmt":"2021-07-24T20:20:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/womens-rites\/?p=227"},"modified":"2021-07-28T11:36:02","modified_gmt":"2021-07-28T15:36:02","slug":"background-essay-women-as-zen-priests","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/womens-rites\/season-2\/background-essay-women-as-zen-priests\/","title":{"rendered":"Background Essay: Women’s Ordination in Soto Zen Buddhism"},"content":{"rendered":"

(Image: The Zendo at Tassajara Zen Mountain Center, Carmel Valley, California. Photo by Bradley Allen, \u00a0Creative Commons<\/a>\u00a0Attribution-Share Alike 2.0 Generic<\/a> license.)<\/p>\n

By Talea Shakun-Berkelhammer<\/strong><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

This article serves to examine the historical context behind ordaining women within the Soto Zen tradition of Buddhism. Soto Zen is a sub tradition of the Mah\u0101y\u0101na<\/a>, one of the three major traditions within Buddhism. The other two other traditions are Therav\u0101da<\/a> and Vajray<\/a>\u0101<\/a>na<\/a>. Mah\u0101y\u0101na, originated in India and spread to areas such as Japan, China, Tibet, Mongolia, Korea, Taiwan, etc. Soto Zen was established in Japan during the 13th<\/sup> century by Zen Master Dogen Zenji when he returned home from China (Just, 3). In China, Dogen had received the teachings of a 9th century lineage passed down from founders, Tozan (Ch. Dongshan) and Sozan (Ch. Caoshan) (Ibid). To begin, we will explore the origin of women ordination within Buddhism, specifically the Mah\u0101y\u0101na tradition, and then progress to a narrower inquiry of the Soto Zen within America.<\/p>\n

Originally, the Buddha only ordained bhikkhus (i.e. monks) and not bhikkhun\u012bs (i.e. nuns) and held reservations about instating an order of bhikkhun\u012bs. With the acknowledgment that women have the same capacity to attain awakening (i.e. nibb\u0101na) as men, the Buddha eventually consented to ordain women. However, bhikkhun\u012bs must follow an additional eight rules, which bhikkhus were not obligated (Neumaier, 90-91). Three of those stand out as relevant to current controversy over female ordination within the Therav\u0101da lineage. Firstly, all bhikkhun\u012bs, no matter how seniors, are considered junior to even the youngest bhikkhu. Secondly, a bhikkhuni cannot reprimand a bhikkhu for violation of conduct based on Vinaya (e.g. monastic rules) but bhikkhu can do so to bhikkhun\u012bs. Thirdly, for a bhikkhun\u012b to be ordained she must receive approval by the lineage of both bhikkhun\u012bs and bhikkhus. Alternatively, bhikkhus do not have to ask the bhikkhun\u012b lineage to pass through full initiation (Ibid.). These additional rules impact the current life of bhikkhun\u012bs in a variety of ways; furthermore, an embedded hierarchy of power perpetuated as the bhikkhu order possesses authority over the bhikkhun\u012b order.<\/p>\n

Once women were welcomed into the Sangha<\/a>, lineages of bhikkhun\u012bs within both Therav\u0101da and Mah\u0101y\u0101na developed. The lineages proliferated for some time until the Theravada bhikkhun\u012b order died out. Currently, there is widespread controversy over whether a bhikkhun\u012b order may be fully reinstated. Traditionalists emphasize the ordination rules that five fully ordained bhikkhus and bhikkhun\u012bs of the same tradition must be in present company to ordain a female novice (Neumaier, 102). Thereby, with a literal reading of the Vinaya, full ordination of Therav\u0101da bhikkhuni lineage ceased eras ago while the bhikkhuni lineage of Mah\u0101y\u0101na has continued. Therav\u0101da laywomen do receive Mah\u0101y\u0101na ordination, yet many of their communities do not recognize the legitimacy. A common contrasting argument points towards the Buddha\u2019s frequent practice of changing minor rules depending on skillful means (i.e. up\u0101ya<\/em>) of a given situation. In the Mahaparinibbana<\/em> sutra (i.e. collection of the Buddha\u2019s discourses) there is an occurrence of a bhikkhun\u012b ordination in which \u201cthe Buddha authorized the ordination of nuns through monks alone\u201d due to necessitating conditions (Neumaier, 102).<\/p>\n

Although the bhikkhun\u012b order within Mah\u0101y\u0101na has lasted to this day, there are still inequalities within Buddhism reinforcing gender discrimination and bias. The role of the Buddhist laywoman historically was a quietly devout woman, practicing generosity and ethical conduct through alms donations to the local ordained and within her family life. The laywoman\u2019s role was isolated to private influence while public presence and authority was held and exercised by bhikkhus in monastic institutions (Neumaier, 93). Although some laywomen have served in informal leadership roles, ordained practitioners have historically been the only ones officially recognized within many traditions. Consequently, due to the loss of the bhikkhun\u012b lineage in Therav\u0101da, there was little to no public representation of women. Within Mah\u0101y\u0101na, even with the continuation of the bhikkhun\u012bs\u2019 lineage, there is often greater attribution of \u201cspiritual power\u201d and beneficial karma<\/a> to bhikkhus (Tsomo, 303). Therefore, donations are given to bhikkhus over the bhikkhun\u012bs. Laypeople offering alms believe their offerings will receive greater karma in return if given to a bhikkhus as opposed to a the less spiritually powerful bhikkhun\u012b. In Therav\u0101da,<\/em> the goal is to attain awakening while the aspiration of Mah\u0101y\u0101na evolved into the bodhisattva ideal. A bodhisattva suspends one’s full awakening to return through rebirth to this cycle of existence (i.e. samsara) in order to alleviate the suffering of all sentient beings. Historically, in the case of bodhisattva<\/em> depictions, predominantly masculine imagery highlights the common attribution of higher spiritual power to males. Although bodhisattva <\/em>expressions were often masculine, Kuan Yin, a bodhisattva<\/em> of compassion originating in China, became a prominent figure in Mah\u0101y\u0101na depicting the feminine as sacred. However, the sacralization of the feminine bodhisattva <\/em>did not necessarily uplift women\u2019s role or promote egalitarianism for laywomen (Wessinger, 139-140).<\/p>\n

Women\u2019s ordination was an integral aspect of Soto Zen from the origin. Soto Zen Master Dogen encouraged an egalitarian understanding of the Dharma<\/a> and invited female practitioners to train, ordain, and live alongside men in shared monasteries (Just, 23). However, Dogen\u2019s successor segregated bhikkhun\u012bs and bhikkhus, which made it exceedingly difficult for women to receive the training and support necessary to ordain. Prior to Soto Zen arriving in America, bhikkhunis in Nagoya, Japan carried forth a successful movement for equality (Just, 48). Therefore, when Soto Zen migrated to the United States in the early 20th century, the values of equality developed in Japan were brought with the tradition (Just, 3). While most Japanese teachers are male, almost half the Buddhist Dharma teachers in the West are female and perhaps even more than the majority in Soto Zen (Just, 49). However, scholar Rita Gross reflects men are perceived as the \u201cmost respected and authoritative teachers\u201d (Just, 49). Additionally, women in Soto Zen embody supporting roles more often than leadership. In the circumstance of a bhikkhun\u012b leading, this tends to occur within smaller temple settings with large monastic centers led by bhikkhus.<\/p>\n

In modern day America, Soto Zen faces some challenges in the effort to cultivate a community of greater inclusivity for women. There are few ideal models for a female Zen master, so practitioners may internalize masculine ideals and question female leaders (Just, 50). Moreover, certain acts are valued more than others, which includes prioritizing traditional men\u2019s work over traditional women’s work. For example, Just points to Buddhist literature that outlines: \u201csweeping the monastery sidewalk is evidence of an elevated pursuit, but a woman caring for her home as her toddler eats breakfast is not\u201d (Just, 50-51). In order to uncover and uproot institutionalized inferiority of women, Soto Zen communities are meeting questions of inclusiveness and oppression. Gross warns about the current generation’s assertion that looking into gender norms is \u201cjust genderizing the Dharma\u201d (Ibid.) Instead, Gross calls for the necessity of first assessing manifestations of sexism in order to \u201cungenderize\u201d the Dharma (Ibid.).<\/p>\n

The egalitarian ethos of the United States has invited women to assume leadership roles traditionally held by males as well as created a form of Soto Zen more appealing to women (Tsomo, 306). Within the mid 20th<\/sup> century in the West, laypeople across Buddhist traditions began taking on more public positions in temples and Dharma centers as well as steadily in Asia too (Tsomo, 304). An example of an adaptation in Soto Zen includes many bhikkhun\u012bs replacing androcentric wording in the sutras with gender neutral terms when they teach. Additionally, many bhikkhun\u012bs are seeking to reference the feminine in the Dharma and explore how it may be further incorporated (Just, 6). While the bhikkhun\u012b order is not controversial in Soto Zen, there are certainly many ways this tradition must evolve to grow in service to contemporary times.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Work Cited<\/strong><\/p>\n

Just, Courtney M., “New American Zen: Examining American Women’s Adaptation of<\/p>\n

Traditional Japanese Soto Zen Practice” (2011). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations.<\/p>\n

527.<\/p>\n

Tsomo, K. L. (2013). Buddhist Women and Religious Leadership. In 1249168496 925505471 S. H. Callahan (Author), Religious Leadership: A Reference Handbook<\/em> (pp. 302-307). Los Angeles: SAGE reference.<\/p>\n

Tsomo, K. L. (2020). Women’s Ordination Across Cultures. In Women in Buddhist Traditions<\/em> (pp. 109-131). New York: New York University Press.<\/p>\n

Neumaier, E. K. (2015). Women in Buddhist Traditions. In 1249161223 925501035 L. M. Anderson & 1249161224 925501035 P. D. Young (Authors), Women and Religious Traditions<\/em>. Don Mills, Ontario: OUP Canada.<\/p>\n

Wessinger, C. (1993). Woman Guru, Woman Roshi: The Legitimation of Female Religious Leadership in Hindu and Buddhist Groups in America. In Women\u2019s Leadership in Marginal Religions: Explorations Outside the Mainstream<\/em> (pp. 125-145). Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press.<\/p>\n

Women in American Buddhism. (n.d.). Retrieved March 10, 2021, from https:\/\/pluralism.org\/women-in-american-buddhism <\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

(Image: The Zendo at Tassajara Zen Mountain Center, Carmel Valley, California. Photo by Bradley Allen, \u00a0Creative Commons\u00a0Attribution-Share Alike 2.0 Generic license.) By Talea Shakun-Berkelhammer   This article serves to examine the historical context behind ordaining women within the Soto Zen tradition of Buddhism. Soto Zen is a sub tradition of the Mah\u0101y\u0101na, one of the […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3769,"featured_media":228,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[4],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-227","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-season-2"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/womens-rites\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/542\/2021\/07\/Tassajara_Zendo_San_Francisco_Zen_Center_SFZC_Soto.jpg","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/womens-rites\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/227","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/womens-rites\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/womens-rites\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/womens-rites\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3769"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/womens-rites\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=227"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/womens-rites\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/227\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":237,"href":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/womens-rites\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/227\/revisions\/237"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/womens-rites\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/228"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/womens-rites\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=227"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/womens-rites\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=227"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sites.smith.edu\/womens-rites\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=227"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}